Published first at the Jerusalem Post
By Aziz Abu Sarah

There many reasons to be pessimistic and at times to despair about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Yet even when things look hopeless, hope has a way of appearing, offering a vision of what can be rather than what is. Recently, I caught a glimpse of this hope in an unlikely place – the Israeli health care system.

In December, I went for a routine checkup with my family doctor in east Jerusalem and received the news everyone fears – I had cancer. What had seemed like a small lump in my neck was in fact thyroid cancer – devastating news for someone in his late 20s. I was quickly scheduled for surgery and given a date of May 17.

I immediately called my close friend Dr. Adel Misk, a Palestinian neurologist from east Jerusalem. Misk works in both Israeli and Palestinian hospitals, treating Palestinians and Israelis alike. He referred me to his colleague, Dr. Shila Nagar, a Jewish Israeli endocrinologist.

When Misk referred me to Nagar, he was not thinking in the terms of Palestinians and Israelis, but rather in terms of which specialist could best treat me. He was not concerned about her religious practices or political opinions. He was only concerned about her track record as a doctor.

In the waiting room outside Nagar’s office, I could not help but notice how many Palestinians were there. It did not bother them that she was Jewish, just like Misk’s Jewish patients do not mind that he is Palestinian. All the stereotypes and fences of nationalist fervor were replaced with basic survival instincts.

I SHARED my thoughts about Israeli-Palestinian medical cooperation with Nagar, who told me a story of a Jewish friend of hers who had prostate problems. One night he was suffering from a painful blockage and went to the emergency room. The doctor on duty was an Arab woman. He was not pleased: It is doubly bad, he thought, an Arab and a woman. At first he refused to let her treat him; however, as the pain increased he changed his mind and called her in. Years later, this Arab woman is his permanent doctor and a close friend. This personal experience was Nagar’s example of how humanity (and physical necessity!) can overcome nationalism.

Fast forward to the day of my surgery. In an ironic twist of fate, here I was, a Palestinian journalist, draped in a hospital gown covered in Stars of David. I was stressed and fearful. Yet none of these emotions had to do with the nationality of my doctors or the pattern on my hospital gown. I was afraid of the surgery, and the possibility of not waking up again. However, when I was brought to the operating room, I was again given another dose of hope.

I had two surgeons, a Palestinian Arab and an Israeli Jew. The anesthesiologist was an extremely experienced and competent Russian who joked with me until I fell asleep. My life was in the hands of an ideal team.

Meanwhile, my family waited outside. My wife and mother were both in tears, and later told me that a Jewish woman waiting for news of her relative’s surgery comforted them.

In the midst of the hatred, anger and bitterness of the conflict, you can still find glimpses of goodness. Unfortunately, this light often passes unnoticed. Yet it offers a practical example of the dream we all share, of a future where we can live safe and full lives without fear of injury.

My surgery went extremely well, and I recovered quickly. Moreover, through this painful experience I caught a glimmer of hope in what seems like a hopeless environment. I have many criticisms of Israeli policies and politics, but the functioning universal health care system in Israel and its ability to separate politics from medicine earns my praise.

This is not to say that the system is perfect. Like any future Israel and Palestine might share, there is the possibility of getting distracted by issues of insurance and bureaucracy. However, when it matters most, Israeli and Palestinian doctors share a commitment to human life regardless of ethnicity, religion or nationality. Moreover, when it comes time to choose doctors, we base our choice on who is mostly likely to promote human life. If only we voted on the same basis!

Unfortunately, I had to experience the health care system personally before being able to appreciate this example of what Israelis and Palestinians can achieve. Despite the pain and suffering, I am grateful to have discovered such a hidden treasure of humanity at its best.

Folks, I published this with Common Ground News Service. Here is a version of it from the Bali Times.

A Practical Path to Justice and an Independent PalestineAugust 16, 2010

By Rabbi Marc Gopin

The creation of an independent Palestine has been a dream dashed many times, but there may be a practical path forward emerging from a surprising place. I often heard the phrase “business is business” growing up in the 1960s among gritty American Jewish immigrants; my father said it all the time. It reflected old Jewish instincts to do whatever it takes to survive and feed “the family,” even when it meant dealing with people who disliked you – a lot.

What floored me is when my Palestinian partner, Aziz Abu Sarah, with whom I recently founded MEJDI, a social enterprise (business designed for a social goal), told me exactly the same words from his father! Aziz’s family and mine are not involved in our new business venture, but every innovation has implications for the political situation in Palestine, and we seek advice and reactions. I have been shocked by the positive reception in my right wing family to the idea of honest business as a bridge. And every time I asked Aziz, “Are you sure your family is ok with Jews and Arabs doing business given their terrible troubles? They know how Jewish I am?” The answer came, “Business is business.”

I feel very much at home with people who love their families, who see the virtue of work, who when facing an unjust situation recognise that practical and ethical people sometimes prevail. Sometimes honest work eases the way to a sane political vision that overwhelms self-destructive patterns of enemy systems and wounded peoples.

There is a lot of good news on the business front. There is a Palestinian prime minister, increasingly popular, who is revolutionising the infrastructure of Palestine, preparing for prosperity and statehood. Saudi Arabia, the most conservative state in the region, has just announced a US$400-million project for Ramallah. Many Western countries are pouring in huge funds for the private sector.

Will these investments benefit most Palestinians? We are all haunted by “the last time,” by the Oslo years of large funds – and large corruption. But thankfully a recent economic conference in Palestine, which included an American presidential delegation headed by Senator George Mitchell, slated $950 million for small- and medium-sized businesses.

My partners and I at MEJDI want more, however. We argue that more is needed to place justice at the centre of Palestine’s future, and to discourage an investor tendency to make a few wealthy and most miserable. All the incoming funds are good but we should explicitly support socially responsible business in Palestine.

Although there is no ultimate solution for Palestine without an end to the Occupation, small businesses are needed to form the backbone of a viable state. Small businesses generate a middle class that depends on the rule of law and democratic values, whereas countries supported only through large corporations and government control rarely emerge as democracies. Palestinians deserve a democracy at the end of their long struggle.

Here is an example of what we are doing as a social enterprise. We are pioneering both tours and academic seminars where almost every dollar spent is going to support and patronize businesses with a clear reputation for fair wages. Profits are also re-invested in lecturers and tour guides who are well known activists for positive social change.

This is just one example of the intersection of small business empowerment and social change. Our other major innovation is the distribution in the West of products made by poor but innovative Palestinian small businesses paying only fair wages. I have learned after 27 years of peace activism that ignoring inequality and poverty is disastrous and it violates every tenet of the region’s religious traditions and values. The un-sustainability of the average Palestinian family makes old ways of coexistence work inadequate. Serious attention to fair wages, however, and financial support for Palestine’s social change activists help engender support for Palestine’s nascent non-violent struggle.

Generations, even centuries, of Muslims and Jews, built mutually prosperous and equal relationships; we are merely recovering their legacy. There have been many times of misery in the long history of the Christian, Jewish, Muslim relationship, but there were also many good times, golden ages. Honest business based on good wages and equal relationships may be one glue that has bonded Middle Eastern cultures before, and may help make inevitable the political path forward towards a just and equal two-state solution.

Rabbi Dr. Marc Gopin, author of To Make the Earth Whole, is a principal of MEJDI LLC (www.mejdi.net).

via A Practical Path to Justice and an Independent Palestine.

Below is a translation from the Arabic article published by Alquds Newspaper on Tuesday 17th of August 2010 Click here for the Arabic

By:Aziz Abu Sarah

A year ago, the Palestinians encountered unprecedented change in the U.S. and international community toward the Palestinian issue, as the international community noticeably increased pressure on the Israeli government to freeze settlements and accept the principle of a two-state solution for final settlement. However, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was able to evade the pressure by throwing the ball into the Palestinian court, demanding that the Palestinians return to direct negotiations.

The Palestinian side rejected the demand for direct negotiations, citing a lack of progress in indirect negotiations and the absence of any trust building with the Israeli side. This decision led the international community to exercise pressure on the Palestinians, and interpret their decision as a lack of interest in negotiations. Netanyahu took this opportunity to present himself as a peace seeker and renew his allegations that there is no partner for peace on the Palestinian side.

The Palestinians’ fear of direct negotiations with Netanyahu comes from painful memories and experiences that Palestinian negotiators have repeatedly gone through. Such negotiations normally began with never ending talks, and ended with the Palestinians being blamed after every round of unsuccessful negotiations.

The Palestinians also have not forgotten the results of direct negotiations with Netanyahu in his first premiership in the nineties.

However, the international community has gone through many changes and is different today, and therefore we must be aware of how these changes may affect Palestinian-Israeli negotiations.

There are voices in the Palestinian community which insist that engaging in direct talks would weaken the Palestinian position, and therefore we should reject the demand for negotiations. However, the opposite is true. Nothing weakens the Palestinians more than appearing to oppose negotiations, leaving them open to be labeled obstructionists of the peace process.

On the other hand, entering into direct negotiations with the Israelis could strengthen the Palestinian position. Last year Palestinians succeeded in winning the confidence and trust of the international community by demonstrating their ability to build infrastructure and institutions for the future Palestinian state. The Palestinians have also been able to foster strong international support for the establishment of a Palestinian state in the near future by highlighting the deteriorating conditions on the ground that could lead to the death of the unborn Palestinian state.

Moreover, the current U.S. administration is more sympathetic to Palestinian suffering and more attentive to their hopes than any other U.S. administration in the past.  President Obama announced that he would like to see a Palestinian state before the end of his term, which expires in two and a half years. He demonstrated his commitment by choosing George Mitchell to serve as the U.S. envoy to the Middle East, a former U.S. senator known for fairness and directness in facilitating negotiations and for his experience in dealing with complicated negotiations, such as those in Northern Ireland.

Perhaps one of the most important changes in the current U.S. administration is their willingness to confront the Israeli government publicly. Several times over the past year, the administration has challenged Israel on the construction of settlements, which the former U.S. administration avoided.

For the first time ever, the Palestinians have a possible advantage over their Israeli counterparts in negotiations. While the current Israeli government has been unable to provide any serious offers for a final settlement, it seems that the Palestinians are ready to offer a comprehensive settlement for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

As result, the Palestinians must initiate by presenting their offer, rather than waiting for an Israeli offer. This will throw the ball back in the Israeli court and put Netanyahu in a position to reveal whether he is serious about reaching an agreement. Also, engaging in direct negotiations before the end of the partial settlement freeze may give Palestinians leverage to pressure Israel to continue the freeze. Rejecting the direct negations, however, would give Netanyahu an excuse to resume building settlements.

That said, the return to direct negotiations must avoid past mistakes. It is important that negotiations be tied to a clear framework and timetable. The passage of time without any progress in the peace process will only kill a two state solution. We can take Netanyahu’s recent statement about the possibility of achieving a peace agreement within one year as a timetable for the declaration of a Palestinian state.

The Palestinian decision to return to direct negotiations with Israeli should not happen as a result of international pressure. Instead, the Palestinian side should make a diplomatic and strategic decision to enter direct negotiations, with the knowledge that it is in the best interest of the Palestinian people.

Excellent article, speaks for itself

Growing up in the West Bank, Mujahid Sarsur knew next to nothing about the Holocaust and saw little ground to sympathize with a people he saw as his occupier. 2010. But thanks to an Israeli roommate overseas, the 21-year-old Palestinian student learned about the Nazi murder of 6 million Jews during World War II and discovered a new understanding of his Israeli neighbors.Now he wants other Arabs to do the same. Sarsur heads one of a handful of Palestinian grass-roots groups seeking knowledge about the Holocaust.On Wednesday, he led a delegation of 22 students to Israel’s official Holocaust memorial, Yad Vashem. The students, fasting for Ramadan, listened closely to their Arabic-speaking guide’s explanations, and were left wide-eyed by the gruesome images of the death camps.

via Palestinians learn about the Holocaust at Yad Vashem – Haaretz Daily Newspaper | Israel News.

In Jerusalem’s Mamilla cemetery, Rawan Dajani stands before a mausoleum where her ancestor Sheikh Ahmed Dajani was buried nearly 450 years ago.

By Omar Kasrawi

Standing outside a mausoleum in Jerusalem’s Mamilla cemetery, Rawan Dajani bows her head and cups her hands upward in prayer for her ancestor Sheikh Ahmed Dajani. He was buried in Mamilla, the oldest Muslim burial ground in Jerusalem, nearly half a millennium ago.

About 200 meters away, a fenced-off construction zone marks the future site of the Center for Human Dignity – Museum of Tolerance, a project overseen by the California-based Simon Wiesenthal Center.

In Israel, starting a new project inevitably means bumping into history. In this case, the construction that started in 2004 has stirred Muslim anger as it displaces hundreds of Muslim graves dating as far back as the 7th century, including the remains of soldiers and officials of the Muslim ruler Saladin.

IN PICTURES: Israeli settlements

Wiesenthal officials say they have followed every recommendation of the Israel Antiquities Authority, which is in charge of “salvage excavations,” and point out that Muslim authorities in the 1920s had approved building on the plot.

The Mamilla controversy is not unique in Israel, where it’s common for different religions’ sacred spaces to overlap. Two of the holiest sites in Islam – Al-Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock – sit atop the Temple Mount, the holiest site in Judaism, where the Torah proclaims the Holy Temple will be rebuilt.

But these controversies are more than debates over landownership; they are debates over the ownership of memories, a place in human history.

In Israel especially, place is connected to identity, making it a priority to protect the places that offer a sense of belonging. Any effort to remove evidence of historical ties is seen as an attack on identity. Just last week, Israeli authorities destroyed at least 15 tombstones in the Mamilla cemetery which it said were illegally built.

“There is a tendency in both communities to deny the spirituality or the sanctity or the history of the other on a certain spot,” says Marc Gopin, a rabbi and the director of George Mason University’s Center for World Religions, Diplomacy and Conflict Resolution.

Why place plays such a key role in identity

Such tactics are common. This past March, a right-wing Israeli group sponsored ads on 200 buses that displayed fictitious posters of the Temple Mount, in which a Third Temple replaced the Dome of the Rock and the Al-Aqsa Mosque.

In 2000 Israeli leader Ariel Sharon set off the second intifada by visiting the Temple Mount and asserting permanent Israeli sovereignty over the compound. The violence lasted four years and claimed the lives of more than 5,000 Palestinians and 1,000 Israelis.

But even lesser-known holy sites become part of the conflict if a community feels its presence being threatened.

Recently, the Israeli government named as heritage sites Rachel’s Tomb in Bethlehem and the Cave of the Patriarchs in Hebron, which both Judaism and Islam claim as Abraham’s birthplace. By claiming sites in the Palestinian-controlled West Bank, Israel further blurred the lines of the ownership of land – and history.

How Muslims are protesting Mamilla project

In the case of the Wiesenthal project, protesters claim the museum’s construction is an effort to conquer what Muslims consider religious territory. It has provoked petitions from Palestinian descendants of the buried, including Ms. Dajani.

“I feel like I have lots of energy to do something” about the construction, says Dajani, whose family’s name is prominent among Palestinians. “But at the end I understand that this is very difficult. The Israelis will not let us do anything easily.”

With construction set to continue, activists are focused on a still untouched part of the cemetery. According to Diyala Husseini Dajani, a protester with family ties to Mamilla – but no relation to Rawan – nearly $18,000 was raised to support a memorial wall that will display the names of everyone buried in the cemetery.

Mr. Gopin says such gestures are effective peacekeeping tactics.

“The only thing that is left to be done at this point is to make gestures of apology, offer to build up what’s left of the cemetery with security and with the refurbishing of all the stones,” says Gopin. “But you can’t just make nice gestures. It has to come with a real proof that you believe in a peaceful coexistence.”

Israel archaeologist: It’s totally politics

Gideon Sulimani, chief archaeologist appointed by the Israel Antiquities Authority to excavate the museum site, doubts there is a genuine desire for coexistence in this case. Mr. Sulimani discovered more than 200 bodies during the dig in 2005.

Despite his recommendation that the site not be released for construction, the antiquities authorities informed the Supreme Court to clear the area for construction.

“It’s part of the conflict about who owns the land,” Sulimani said. “It’s not archaeology. It’s not science. They want to move away the Muslim memory of the area to make it Jewish. So it’s totally politics.”

Some Palestinians involved are hopeful that even if the new museum rises, their protest efforts will bring some acknowledgment to the Muslim burial ground that once stood on the site.

“It’s not that I’m concerned about the graves as much as I’m concerned about the fact that we don’t exist to the Israelis,” Ms. Husseini Dajani said.

From the Christian-Science Monitor, original post http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Middle-East/2010/0811/Why-Israeli-Palestinian-conflicts-over-land-turn-epic

The creation of an independent Palestine has been a dream dashed many times, but there may be a practical path forward emerging from a surprising place. I often heard the phrase ‘business is business’ growing up in the 1960s among gritty American Jewish immigrants; my father said it all the time. It reflected old Jewish instincts to do whatever it takes to survive and feed ‘the family’, even when it meant dealing with people who disliked you – a lot.

What floored me is when my Palestinian partner, Aziz Abu Sarah, with whom I recently founded MEJDI, a social enterprise (business designed for a social goal), told me exactly the same words from his father! Aziz’s family and mine are not involved in our new business venture, but every innovation has implications for the political situation in Palestine, and we seek advice and reactions. I have been shocked by the positive reception in my right wing family to the idea of honest business as a bridge. And every time I asked Aziz, “Are you sure your family is ok with Jews and Arabs doing business given their terrible troubles? They know how Jewish I am?” The answer came, “Business is business.”

I feel very much at home with people who love their families, who see the virtue of work, who when facing an unjust situation recognise that practical and ethical people sometimes prevail. Sometimes honest work eases the way to a sane political vision that overwhelms self-destructive patterns of enemy systems and wounded peoples.

There is a lot of good news on the business front. There is a Palestinian prime minister, increasingly popular, who is revolutionising the infrastructure of Palestine, preparing for prosperity and statehood. Saudi Arabia, the most conservative state in the region, has just announced a 400 million dollar project for Ramallah. Many Western countries are pouring in huge funds for the private sector.

Will these investments benefit most Palestinians? We are all haunted by ‘the last time’, by the Oslo years of large funds – and large corruption. But thankfully a recent economic conference in Palestine, which included an American presidential delegation headed by Senator George Mitchell, slated $950 million for small and medium sized businesses.

My partners and I at MEJDI want more, however. We argue that more is needed to place justice at the centre of Palestine’s future, and to discourage an investor tendency to make a few wealthy and most miserable. All the incoming funds are good but we should explicitly support socially responsible business in Palestine.

Although there is no ultimate solution for Palestine without an end to the Occupation, small businesses are needed to form the backbone of a viable state. Small businesses generate a middle class that depends on the rule of law and democratic values, whereas countries supported only through large corporations and government control rarely emerge as democracies. Palestinians deserve a democracy at the end of their long struggle.

Here is an example of what we are doing as a social enterprise. We are pioneering both tours and academic seminars where almost every dollar spent is going to support and patronize businesses with a clear reputation for fair wages. Profits are also re-invested in lecturers and tour guides who are well known activists for positive social change.

This is just one example of the intersection of small business empowerment and social change. Our other major innovation is the distribution in the West of products made by poor but innovative Palestinian small businesses paying only fair wages. I have learned after 27 years of peace activism that ignoring inequality and poverty is disastrous and it violates every tenet of the region’s religious traditions and values. The un-sustainability of the average Palestinian family makes old ways of coexistence work inadequate. Serious attention to fair wages, however, and financial support for Palestine’s social change activists help engender support for Palestine’s nascent non-violent struggle.

Generations, even centuries, of Muslims and Jews, built mutually prosperous and equal relationships; we are merely recovering their legacy. There have been many times of misery in the long history of the Christian, Jewish, Muslim relationship, but there were also many good times, golden ages. Honest business based on good wages and equal relationships may be one glue that has bonded Middle Eastern cultures before, and may help make inevitable the political path forward toward a just and equal two-state solution.
Published in Common Ground News Service, http://www.commongroundnews.org/article.php?id=28228&lan=en&sid=0&sp=0&isNew=1

You have to watch this short five minute film to believe it. Watch a village steadily stolen illegally by the Jewish National Fund, finally destroyed by the IDF and the State with hundreds of police, and then rebuilt and reclaimed by Jews and Arabs, citizens of Israel, together.

You don’t have to believe that this is exactly what the JNF has been doing for over a hundred years, you don’t have to read the long and complicated history through the eyes of Israel’s leading analysts like Tom Segev in One Palestine Complete, just look at five minutes of video to see the destruction of olive trees and the theft of land through planting ‘Jewish’ trees, donated by clueless American Jews, no doubt, as Arabs watch helplessly their entire village demolished. But then watch Jews and Arabs together rebuilding in a single day. Feel the power and the determination.

When will Jews, Christians and Arabs from around the world join this noble struggle of Arabs and Jewish citizens of Israel  instead of sitting on the sidelines cheering one side or another?

Go to Israel, support the peacemakers, the justice seekers, the change makers, support villagers abused by the state, by senseless bigotry.

What happens in the Holy Land is the patrimony of the entire Abrahamic family, and those who affiliate with that family have a duty to make things right there, not by hate, not by apathy and indifference, not by cowardice, and certainly not by supporting terrorism or terrorist groups, but by courageously embracing what is right, by supporting those engaged in heroic struggle, by applying the skills taught us by Gandhi and King to resist with love and respect, but to resist nevertheless.

Professional Development Seminar in Citizen Diplomacy

with Rabbi Dr. Marc Gopin and Palestinian peacebuilder Aziz Abu Sarah

Based in Jerusalem with day trips to neighboring cities and Holy sites

• Contact: Scott Cooper or Becca Grimm at ‘crdc@gmu.edu‘ or 1-703-993-4473 (USA)

This seminar will be a combination of theory exploration, training, and concrete practice in the field. Based on Dr. Gopin’s most recent theories in To Make the Earth Whole: The Art of Citizen Diplomacy, the course will create space for participants to understand and measure in a new way the dynamics of their own potential impact on war and peace. It explores:

1. The theory and practice of positive incremental change and citizen diplomacy
2. A central case study from the Middle East
3. The philosophical and spiritual ethics, East and West, of decision making in conflict interventions.

Along with the study of theory, role plays and simulations, the course will involve direct engagement with Israeli and Palestinian nonprofit and for profit change makers, both secular and religious. There will be on the ground engagement in both Israel and Palestine, while inside the classroom and on tour.

Dr. Gopin will be joined by the CRDC’s Director of Middle East Projects Aziz Abu Sarah.  Mr. Abu Sarah will co-lead many of the trainings and manage the tour component of the course.  Mr. Abu Sarah brings over 10 years of experience in Palestinian-Israeli peacebuilding and Middle East tourism.  Most notably, he was the Palestinian Chairman of the Parent’s Circle – Families Forum, a joint organization of 500 Israeli and Palestinian bereaved families who work for reconciliation within and between their societies.  He also worked with organizations such as All For Peace Radio and Al-Tariq: The Palestinian Institute for Democracy and Development (which he co-founded).

The seminar will be based most days in Jerusalem, with CLASS TIME, TRAINING, AND EXCURSIONS planned on alternate days.

Considering the sensitive nature of the practice component of this work, students will be asked to submit a CV as well as a statement of their qualifications and goals in order to apply for this seminar.

Includes:

• Approximately 25 hours of class time
• Meetings with several Palestinian and Israeli peacebuilding organizations, officials, relgious leaders and business people
  • Organization include: Parents Circle – Bereaved Families Forum
• Hotel
• 2 meals per day
• Transportation
• Tour guide
• Visits to Bethlehem, Ramallah, Jerusalem and Hebron
• Can be taken for credit through George Mason University in Arlington, VA**

Price:

• $2780.00 (airfare not included)
  • Subsidies available for local Palestinians and Israelis to participate – please contact CRDC for more details

Dates:

• May 27 – June 4th 2010

Location:

• Jerusalem

Course Description:

• http://crdcgmu.wordpress.com/education/

Syllabus:

• http://docs.google.com/View?id=ddjpxvx7_20djtkntcr

**3 credits graduate or undregraduate – price $3180.00 instead of $2780.00

This is an excellent article by Aziz abu Sarah, who is a lifelong resident of Jerusalem who has successfully worked for peace with Muslims, Christians and Jews for many years now. I think it bears special reading on this day when we are expecting more riots in the religious center of this conflict, Jerusalem. Provocations continue, offense and defense, the regular stuff of the destructive Abrahamic patterns in Jerusalem that have a 2000 year old pedigree. That being said, I fully agree with Aziz that religious people must be accepted where they are, not where we wish them to be. I firmly believe that liberal democratic states are the only ones that will survive religious and nationalistic extremisms, but we both work hard together to make our commitment to equality and a liberal social contract in the Holy Land, one that is radically inclusive, with only nonviolence and equality as the essential ingredients of the successful social contract. I will be thinking about that in the coming days of our news cycle. Jefferson is really a hero here, a lifelong attendee at church, he nevertheless insisted on a state not tyrannized by religious prejudice. That seems to be a balance that the Holy Land needs. Marc Gopin

Aziz Abu Sarah

WASHINGTON, DC – In the last three decades, Palestinian identity has undergone tremendous changes. According to a UNDP poll published last April, 47 percent of residents of Gaza and the West Bank identify themselves first and foremost as Muslims. This is surprising, considering that the Palestinian community was once regarded as one of the most secular in the Arab world, and that three decades ago political Islam had a very limited role in the Palestinian national movement. Tellingly, the study also found that 80 percent of young Palestinians are chronically depressed, demonstrating a widespread belief that the future holds little hope for them.

The Hamas victory in the last Palestinian elections is only one of the latest signs that the community is looking for answers in a time of desperation, corruption and oppression. In their pursuit of change, Palestinian voters turned to Hamas hoping for honesty, inclusion and a vision for the future.

However, polling shows that many Palestinians grew disenchanted with Hamas soon after the elections, as Hamas failed to deliver on its promises for a unified Palestinian agenda. Many voices have been arguing that the Islamic leadership has failed and that religion should not play a role in Palestinian political life. This secular movement claims that religious groups like Hamas and radical Jewish groups are a big part of the problem and therefore should be eliminated from the political and civil process.

But while it is true that religious leaders and organizations have added fuel to the conflict, this doesn’t mean that a secular leadership is the only answer. On the contrary, religion can and must play a greater role in solving the problems faced by the Palestinian community.

There is ample historical precedent for the dual role that religion can play in shaping political ideology. In the United States, for example, the period before the Civil War was a time of anger and hopelessness, and then too religion was used to justify oppression and corruption. Religious and political leaders cited Judeo-Christian biblical arguments to teach slaves that they were inferior to whites, and churches and ministers led the effort to preserve slavery in the South. Baptist Reverend R. Furman spoke for many Southerners when he wrote that “The right of holding slaves is clearly established in the Holy Scriptures, both by precept and example.” Even Confederate President Jefferson Davis used the Bible to claim that slavery was established by heavenly decree. Nor did these beliefs end with emancipation: Christian theologians continued to support segregation, terror and racial attacks against blacks in the community well into the next century.

However, religious leaders were also the ones at the forefront of a massive movement toward emancipation and civil rights in the United States. Whites and blacks like Jonathan Daniels and Martin Luther King Jr. countered religious violence, ignorance and racism with a religious message of love, non-violence and activism. They didn’t turn against religion when religious leaders failed them but rather challenged the status quo on religion. It is well known that King Jr. used his church podium to preach a new message of hope.

In a similar way, although Islam has been used by many Palestinians to support violence and even justify corrupt political institutions, people have forgotten that Islam is also rich with scriptures of peace and compassion. Islam’s Prophet himself refused to fight for 13 years while in Mecca, teaching and preaching under oppression and torture.

In the Palestinian territories where many people are turning to religion, faith cannot be ignored and should not be handed over to the radicals. We must reject the idea that our political choices are limited to either religious extremism or a purely secular vision.

The time is ripe for a non-violent movement in the Palestinian community to rise up from the least expected places—from the mosques, the religious institutes and the Islamic centres. These places are often accused of being the birthplace of violence, but they can also be the birthplace of positive ideas for change. Faith-based non-violent movements have succeeded in the past to rally the multitude and change the political reality where it seemed impossible, and it can provide the same answers today.

Non-violent methods have already achieved some success in Palestinian villages such as Budrus, where both religious and secular Palestinians joined hands to resist the separation barrier which was slated to run through their land. Their protest was successful and the route of the barrier has been changed. However, the Palestinian non-violent movement is still divided and is mostly secular. I believe that the movement needs a moral and spiritual message of justice that can bind us together, and this cannot happen without the strong presence of religious leaders and religious members of the community. Just as Reverend King and Jonathan Daniels countered violent Christians with a different Christian theology to reclaim their religion and morals, Palestinians too must use religion as a force to unify rather than divide.

Freedom of religion doesn’t just mean the freedom to worship—it also includes the freedom to use religion constructively in motivating people to make positive changes in government. In a region where religion has been hijacked for extremist agendas, religion is an essential element for creating a better future. This is why Palestinians today have the opportunity to use religion to inspire the birth of a non-violent movement that can unify them in their pursuit of freedom.

###

* Aziz Abu Sarah is the Director of Middle East Projects at the Center for World Religions, Diplomacy and Conflict Resolution at George Mason University at George Mason University, and a winner of the Eliav-Sartawi Award for Common Ground Journalism. His blog can be found at http://azizabusarah.wordpress.com. Email: azizabusarah@gmail.com. This article is part of a special series on freedom of religion in Israel and the Palestinian Authority and was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Palestine between religion and secularism by Aziz Abu Sarah 04 February 2010

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WASHINGTON, DC – In the last three decades, Palestinian identity has undergone tremendous changes. According to a UNDP poll published last April, 47 percent of residents of Gaza and the West Bank identify themselves first and foremost as Muslims. This is surprising, considering that the Palestinian community was once regarded as one of the most secular in the Arab world, and that three decades ago political Islam had a very limited role in the Palestinian national movement. Tellingly, the study also found that 80 percent of young Palestinians are chronically depressed, demonstrating a widespread belief that the future holds little hope for them.

The Hamas victory in the last Palestinian elections is only one of the latest signs that the community is looking for answers in a time of desperation, corruption and oppression. In their pursuit of change, Palestinian voters turned to Hamas hoping for honesty, inclusion and a vision for the future.

However, polling shows that many Palestinians grew disenchanted with Hamas soon after the elections, as Hamas failed to deliver on its promises for a unified Palestinian agenda. Many voices have been arguing that the Islamic leadership has failed and that religion should not play a role in Palestinian political life. This secular movement claims that religious groups like Hamas and radical Jewish groups are a big part of the problem and therefore should be eliminated from the political and civil process.

But while it is true that religious leaders and organisations have added fuel to the conflict, this doesn’t mean that a secular leadership is the only answer. On the contrary, religion can and must play a greater role in solving the problems faced by the Palestinian community.

There is ample historical precedent for the dual role that religion can play in shaping political ideology. In the United States, for example, the period before the Civil War was a time of anger and hopelessness, and then too religion was used to justify oppression and corruption. Religious and political leaders cited Judeo-Christian biblical arguments to teach slaves that they were inferior to whites, and churches and ministers led the effort to preserve slavery in the South. Baptist Reverend R. Furman spoke for many Southerners when he wrote that “The right of holding slaves is clearly established in the Holy Scriptures, both by precept and example.” Even Confederate President Jefferson Davis used the Bible to claim that slavery was established by heavenly decree. Nor did these beliefs end with emancipation: Christian theologians continued to support segregation, terror and racial attacks against blacks in the community well into the next century.

However, religious leaders were also the ones at the forefront of a massive movement toward emancipation and civil rights in the United States. Whites and blacks like Jonathan Daniels and Martin Luther King Jr. countered religious violence, ignorance and racism with a religious message of love, non-violence and activism. They didn’t turn against religion when religious leaders failed them but rather challenged the status quo on religion. It is well known that King Jr. used his church podium to preach a new message of hope.

In a similar way, although Islam has been used by many Palestinians to support violence and even justify corrupt political institutions, people have forgotten that Islam is also rich with scriptures of peace and compassion. Islam’s Prophet himself refused to fight for 13 years while in Mecca, teaching and preaching under oppression and torture.

In the Palestinian territories where many people are turning to religion, faith cannot be ignored and should not be handed over to the radicals. We must reject the idea that our political choices are limited to either religious extremism or a purely secular vision.

The time is ripe for a non-violent movement in the Palestinian community to rise up from the least expected places—from the mosques, the religious institutes and the Islamic centres. These places are often accused of being the birthplace of violence, but they can also be the birthplace of positive ideas for change. Faith-based non-violent movements have succeeded in the past to rally the multitude and change the political reality where it seemed impossible, and it can provide the same answers today.

Non-violent methods have already achieved some success in Palestinian villages such as Budrus, where both religious and secular Palestinians joined hands to resist the separation barrier which was slated to run through their land. Their protest was successful and the route of the barrier has been changed. However, the Palestinian non-violent movement is still divided and is mostly secular. I believe that the movement needs a moral and spiritual message of justice that can bind us together, and this cannot happen without the strong presence of religious leaders and religious members of the community. Just as Reverend King and Jonathan Daniels countered violent Christians with a different Christian theology to reclaim their religion and morals, Palestinians too must use religion as a force to unify rather than divide.

Freedom of religion doesn’t just mean the freedom to worship—it also includes the freedom to use religion constructively in motivating people to make positive changes in government. In a region where religion has been hijacked for extremist agendas, religion is an essential element for creating a better future. This is why Palestinians today have the opportunity to use religion to inspire the birth of a non-violent movement that can unify them in their pursuit of freedom.

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* Aziz Abu Sarah is the Director of Middle East Projects at the Center for World Religions, Diplomacy and Conflict Resolution at George Mason University at George Mason University, and a winner of the Eliav-Sartawi Award for Common Ground Journalism. His blog can be found at http://azizabusarah.wordpress.com. Email: azizabusarah@gmail.com. This article is part of a special series on freedom of religion in Israel and the Palestinian Authority and was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Meet our friend, Hanan, a fabulous new peacemaker, a cool mother,  a deeply progressive and courageous Muslim woman, one of a legion that we are discovering around the world. This is the hope of the Middle East.

For one Israeli Arab woman, peace begins within
By Karin Kloosterman

Real peacemakers are often the quiet ones, like Hanan Gaffaly – who works at the NGO Kids Creating Peace and volunteers for Sulhita, an NGO that brings together Palestinian and Israeli youth. Thousands of peacemakers like Gaffaly are not high profile activists like Ghandi and Martin Luther King were. They work from deep within, starting with themselves and their communities, and move on to take small, bold steps to influence the ‘big picture.’

ISRAEL21c first met Gaffaly, a 34-year-old Israeli Arab woman from the city of Jaffa near Tel Aviv, while at a San Francisco-based United Religions Initiative conference. At the annual meeting, held in Madaba, Jordan in December, which brought together different faiths from the Middle East-North Africa region, she sat with Elad Vazana, director of the Sulha Peace Project, an Israeli-Arab peace organization that also runs the Sulhita youth NGO, and proffered her personal story.

Palestinians, Israelis and the world at large fail to comprehend how uncomfortable it is for Gaffaly a “Palestinian Arab Israeli” who feels wedged in a major cultural rift in the Middle East. On one hand she identifies herself strongly as an Israeli, but at the same time she has Palestinian relatives with whom she empathizes.

Read the entire article from ISRAEL21c here.